“I think they're sexual deviants,” my traveling companion said, leaning over a fruit salad at breakfast.
The not unexpected comment came after a
night of alternately delightful and terrifying conversation with a
couple who, over the course of three liters of Toña
– Spanish for “Bud Light” – explained that they
were in Nicaragua to swab frogs (for science, not pleasure). And that
they had been more or less locked up in a ranger's station on the
side of Ometepe's Volcan Maderas for the past six months with next to
contact with anyone who spoke their language.
Which was Dutch. They spoke Dutch. They
were Dutch people.
Sexual
deviance, including a horrifically detailed discussion of what
perhaps happened to Eva Perón's missing
corpse? Explained. Left unresolved: whether the
tale of a traveling Frenchman they met who got high smoking Mexican
scorpion tails and decidedly poisonous secretions from the frogs they were
swabbing had any basis in truth. I like to think that it did.
You meet a lot of interesting people in
Nicaragua, from die-hard Sandinistas who fought as child soldiers
during the 1979 revolution against the U.S.-backed Somoza
dictatorship to the aforementioned couple from Holland in the country
to track down an apparently deadly, amphibian-based fungus. Oh, there
are boors too. In the beach town of San Juan del Sur, you'll have to
put up with the pressed-at-an-Abercrombie-factory bros and a few
nausea-inducing, not-a-word-of-Spanish-speaking in town only to pick
up a young Latin hunny, under-age if they can manage it. And in
Grenada, a city burnt down 150 years ago by an asshole American, you
can find his modern-day successors and the prostitutes and signs
saying “no dogs” – and don't give money to the homeless kids –
that they've brought with them.
Refreshingly, the Ugly Expat is not to
be found in tranquil Ometepe, the pot-smoking “ex-CIA” man I met
there last time the one possible exception. A tropical volcanic island located
an hour's ferry ride out in Nicaragua's Lake Cocibolca, Central
America's largest, Ometepe is lush year-round, with Quetzals and
Howler monkeys filling the vacuum left by the lack of loud bars and
nightclubs . The last time I was there, the active volcano that makes
up the more populous and developed northern half of the island,
Volcan Concepción,
almost – in a complete dick move -- killed me after by
tour-guide-who-wasn't forgot how to get back down from its
sulfur-spewing crater. Fun times!
My trip to the island this time around
didn't result in any near-death experiences, sad to say, but I did
get to leave the main port town to the see the rest of the place,
spending most of my time at the base of Volcan Maderas, the inactive
volcano that forms the much-less traveled southern half of the
island, where nice paved streets turn into Oregon Trail-style,
boulder-filled “roads” barely navigable by SUV. While I did spend
one day biking out to the Ojo de Agua, a man-made lagoon filled with
volcanic water that felt like swimming in a pool of Perrier, most of
my time was spent at a hostel on the grounds of Finca Magdalena, a
cooperative coffee farm that 28 local families expropriated from
their wealthy, absentee landlord during the early years of Sandinista
rule. A stately, century-old wooden house at the center of the estate, the hostel is surrounded by beautiful gardens full of butterflies of all colors and provides hammocks so you can lay around and watch them, which isn't a bad way to spend a day; if I were dying, I'm pretty sure I'd like to do it here. It's also the chief source of income for the coop these days, which might surprise you when beds go for just $3 a night.
Radical,
anarcho-syndicalist credentials? Bolstered.
Say
what you will about the Sandinistas today – I've met many a former
member disenchanted with the party's drift towards neoliberalism and
the personalty cult that's formed around its leader and Nicaraguan
President Daniel Ortega – the party did institute several
much-needed reforms upon taking power after the 1979 revolution,
chief among them the redistribution of the country's land, the
majority of which was in the hands of the ruling Somoza family and
its cronies. It's that revolutionary reform, taking land from wealthy
and politically-connected land owners and handing it to the poor
peasant farms from whom it was originally stolen, that seems to have
had the most visible lasting impact on the country today; it's also
the one that helped spur the Reagan administration to fund and arm a
right-wing insurgency that left 50,000 Nicaraguans dead over the
course of the 1980s. It's that reform that made Finca Magdalena and
thousands of other coops possible.
Land
redistribution was a major issue not just for the FSLN, but for the
man the party's named after: Augusto Sandino, an
anarcho-syndicalist rebel leader made infamous for refusing to
accept the legitimacy of the U.S. occupation of Nicaragua in the
1930s; he was ultimately martyred by the first in a 40-year line of
U.S.-backed dictators from the Somoza family, making him a tragic
hero not unlike Emiliano Zapata in Mexico – a man who died for his
principles rather than conveniently compromise them for political
power.
Even
the popular red-and-black
flag used by the FSLN today is none other than a slightly
modified version of the red-and-black
flag of anarcho-syndicalism that Sandino hoisted 80 years ago .
As one would expect of a ruling government party, however, the colors
have been stripped of their original meaning, no longer signifying
“syndicalism” (red) nor, obviously, “anarchism” (black), but
rather “blood” and “death.” And that makes sense: as a
political party defined not but its eradication of state power, but
by its capture of it, its leaders wouldn't want to be bound by any
actual principles and political concepts that might be seem at odds
with their penchant for centralized power; the more vapid, pliable
notion of “sacrifice” will do just fine, thank you.
Indeed,
the reasons for the co-option would soon become clear after the
Sandinistas took over. Rather than maintain strict fidelity to the
principles of the man whose name they adopted as their own and simply
hand over land to poor farmers, the FSLN chose to install a state
intermediary to administer the land. According to the operators of
Finca Magdalena, it wasn't until the early 1990s that their land was
legally recognized as an independent cooperative; before that, when
the land was held by the Sandinista government, “the
members' lives did not improve.”
With little
apparent help from the government outside of the original land
reform, which ultimately only removed the threat of state violence
should local farmers reclaim that which was rightfully theirs, the
Finca Magdalena coop has managed to raise the standard of living of
not just the families who run it, but the surrounding community.
Their livelihood, as far as I can tell, isn't dependent on the
benevolence of politicians or capitalists. While the country is
nominally socialist, there are next to no signs of government
involvement on the island to begin with; on the south side where the
coop is located, there's not even much in the way of infrastructure.
The
life is a simple life – and a largely self-sufficient one. There
aren't any flat-screen TVs. There's no Internet, outside of a few
cafés.
And there's not much if anything to do once the sun goes down. But
people seem happy. And why not? They live on some of the most fertile
land in Central America on an island made up of two beautiful
volcanoes. If you want some food, you grow it or catch it from the
lake. If you're bored you play baseball or go swimming. You watch a
sunset. Who the hell needs HBO?
Of course, there
are no doubt problems that I as a glib, know-it-all gringo backpacker
am not going to pick up on. But in contrast to some places I've lived
– North Philly comes to mind – the people here, though poor, seem
content with their place in life, none of the visible brutishness of
daily violence that characterizes a lot of major cities. Largely left
alone, with absolutely no police presence in the more rural
communities, meaning 95 percent of the island, the people of Ometepe
in a lot of ways show the possibilities of working together
collectively toward a common goal, rather than acting as the atomized
capitalistic competitors that a lot of conservatives and libertarians
appear to see as the only sane alternative to statism.
Whoa now, I hear
you say. Let's talk about the pot-smoking CIA guy, not all this
oh-glorious-syndicalism talk, crazy anarchist guy. And don't let
ideology blind you, silly: Have the people abolished the state? Has
capitalism been eradicated? Has a glorious workers paradise been
established? Have the means of producing reggaetone been seized and
destroyed for the good of the proletariat? Well, no, not exactly. But
anarchy isn't just a utopian end goal, dear reader. It's a mundane
reality.
Whenever people
work together cooperatively without the need for coercion, that's
anarchy in action. Twenty-eight families collectively working the
same farm for their mutual benefit? That, my friends, is anarchy; a
small window into a world where peoples lives are bases on consensus
and cooperation, no coercion. And it's why I think every decent
person ought to be anarchist. Hear me out: While we can argue and
bicker over how to get to anarchtopia, or how long it might take or
the details of who will deliver the mail and make sure the neighbor
kid stays off your lawn, why shouldn't every person's goal be a
society that minimizes the use of violence? Go ahead, say pure
anarchy is unworkable, incompatible with human nature – to which
I'd rejoin that governments with their mass murdering wars and
nuclear weapons seem to be incompatible with human kind – shouldn't
we at least strive to create a society that minimizes the use of
violence to the greatest extent possible?
Anarchism is not
about Molotov cocktails and car bombs, it's about cooperation; it's
about order built from the bottom up, rather than imposed from the
top down. And the people at the bottom have to want it for it to
succeed. An anarchist society, if it is ever to come about, won't be
the result of a mere political revolution like in Egypt or Libya,
where the institutions of power are maintained, just staffed with
different people. It will come from a social revolution -- from
creating a society of anarchists who reject the notion of coercive
power and the use of violence as a means of material and political
gain. It will come from people coming to see, like the families of
Finca Magadalena, the empowerment that comes from voluntary
collectivism and from learning to appreciate the wisdom of devolving
power from states and presidents to communities and individuals.
Already, most
people reject the use of violence not because the government tells
them that, say, murder is bad, but because they believe in their
hearts it is wrong. It's why the vast majority of people don't ever
kill anyone. It's how places like Ometepe, and most of the rest of
the world, frankly, exist in harmony without the need for a uniformed
officer with a handgun and a Taser on every corner.
The next step, and
it's an admittedly difficult one that won't happen overnight, is
convincing a critical mass of people that violence isn't just wrong
in their personal life, but in their political life too. Murder by
proxy – murder by politician – is just as evil as if you
personally bashed an Afghan child's head open with a rock. Don't
support and don't enable it. And that means rejecting the idea that
any person or institution can or should claim a monopoly on the
“legitimate” use of violence.
For a more
cooperative society to succeed, people will also have to develop
faith in themselves and in a world without leaders. And they'll need
to know that anarchism isn't an ideology for some far-off utopia, but
something they already take for granted in their own lives, whether
its working at a coop like the one in Ometepe, helping out at a soup kitchen or just not
killing that pesky neighbor kid when you know the police aren't
around.
Put it like that,
and I think you might be surprised how many anarchists there are –
and how many acts of anarchy you commit everyday.
In
the next installment, I get slightly less preachy and write about
watching a stray dog chew on a horse's leg in the center of León,
Nicaragua.
