A few months back, my dog bit an old gringo in Granada, a colonial city in Nicaragua popular with old gringos, many of whom one can't help but think are here largely because there's no extradition treaty with the United States. I don't want to spin this: it was bad thing. My dog, the cuddly bastard, was a very bad dog. A very bad dog.
But.
The thing is, my dog is maybe 20 pounds soaking wet -- and given a choice in the matter, he'd never be soaking wet because, while he puts on a tough act, large bodies of water frighten the little guy. Though he has a big dog's bark, he does not have the bite to actually back it up. Like a canine Victor Davis Hanson, but with less metaphorical blood on his paws.
So while, again, my dog biting an old man can't be spun as an okay thing to do, in my opinion a bite from a little Lhasa Apso that doesn't so much as leave a mark didn't warrant the response it received: the old gringo screaming "you fucking asshole" at me over and over in the middle of a crowded cafe. A curt "watch your fucking dog, man"? Yeah sure, that's fine. I get it. Let the steam out and let's move on.
Now, as a person who sometimes struggles with embracing deescalation tactics when I'm personally involved in a conflict -- follow me on Twitter! -- I probably didn't handle the situation as well as I should have. Already having a strong bias against all the old creepy white men in Nicaragua whose legions I am destined to someday join, I decided quoting the breed profile back to the man would be a fun thing to do: "He probably bit you because he's a very good judge of character," I said. "He could probably tell you're a shitty person." I believe I also made an ageist comment regarding hips and the relative chance of my breaking mine compared to him breaking his.
Was I right to say that? No, of course not. Did it feel right saying it? Of course it did.
And that brings me to something that, thanks to the mental clarity provided by Flor de Caña, hit me last night like a bag full of Lhasa Apsos: this guy is my new neighbor in San Juan del Sur -- "new" as in I've been living right next to him for the past month now. This perhaps explains why I have not been able to get so much as an "hola" from him. As I told my dog after I got home from the bar, equipped with an ephiphany and a buzz: at dawn we finish this.
Showing posts with label Nicaragua. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Nicaragua. Show all posts
Thursday, August 23, 2012
Thursday, May 31, 2012
Nicaragua's 'revolutionary' war on drugs
Rivas, Nicaragua - Ravished by violent drug trafficking organisations flush with prohibition profits, Central America is now one of the deadliest places on Earth, with Honduras experiencing even more murders per capita than Iraq. That's led some politicians to start talking about something they never would have considered just a decade ago, at least publicly: breaking with the militarised, literal war on drugs favoured by the United States in favour of decriminalisation - and perhaps even outright legalisation. But contrary to what one might assume, it's not the "anti-American" leftists leading the charge, but the reliably pro-American heads of the region's center-right governments.
Read the rest at Al Jazeera.
Read the rest at Al Jazeera.
Tuesday, October 11, 2011
Nicaragua triunfará
Elections in Nicaragua are less than a month away, which means the criminal misuse of American pop songs -- artistically speaking -- as a means of marketing the various candidates to the all-important Youth of the Country has just about hit its awful peak.
Sometimes the songs are almost endearingly awful, as when 79-year-old businessman and conservative presidential candiate Fabio Gadea airs television ads set to a repurposed -- and still awful -- Black Eyed Peas song. Other times, as in the case of certain local candidate for office here in the southwestern department of Rivas by the fucking name of "Alejandro," it's enough to drive a nice anarcho-pacifist boy into a fit of violent, unthinking rage, particularly when said asshole plants his campaign truck right outside your apartment and blares his unofficial theme for the better part of a Saturday.
But I'm ranting.
Recently, the Central American tradition of using bad pop music to sell even worse politicians made news when a certain mom-and-pop corporation by the name of Sony Entertainment decided it didn't like Sandinista leader and odds-on favorite to win Nicaragua's presidential election Daniel Ortega's use of the 1961 hit "Stand by Me."
Now, I don't much like the song either. Or at least I don't now that I've heard three times a day for the past four months. But Sony's problem with it is a bit different than mine: it contends the Sandinistas' appropriation of the tune constitutes a "serious infringement" of the company's copyright over the half-century-old song. And that's a big no-no.
“We don’t allow our songs to be used by political campaigns,” Jimmy Asci, a spokesman for company, explained in an interview with Bloomberg Businessweek.
Of course, the actual song being used by Mr. Ortega is nothing like the one recorded by Ben E. King 50 years ago. The words are completely different; it doesn't even say "stand by me." It's in Spanish. And it's about Nicaragua. And peace and love, two themes that if adopted by any major candidate in the United States would get them laughed right off the stage of the prime-time CNN debate brought to you by Lockheed-Martin.
Check out the song yourself:
Intellectual property laws ostensibly exist to encourage artists to create art because, as we all know, the best musicians are those in it for the money. But that's not the issue here: the guy who recorded the original "Stand by Me" has made his cash. The issue is a major company's ability to make even more money off of another's work -- and to prevent that work from being used in ways its executive board doesn't deem acceptable, which would be called "censorship" if carried out by a state but is called plain old "capitalism" when it involves a state-chartered corporation reliant on the legal machinery of the state.
Judging by the country's complete and thoroughly admirable lack of respect for those intellectual property laws, however -- I've yet to see a "legitimate" CD or DVD in my 10 months here -- I'm guessing Nicaragua will triumph.
Sometimes the songs are almost endearingly awful, as when 79-year-old businessman and conservative presidential candiate Fabio Gadea airs television ads set to a repurposed -- and still awful -- Black Eyed Peas song. Other times, as in the case of certain local candidate for office here in the southwestern department of Rivas by the fucking name of "Alejandro," it's enough to drive a nice anarcho-pacifist boy into a fit of violent, unthinking rage, particularly when said asshole plants his campaign truck right outside your apartment and blares his unofficial theme for the better part of a Saturday.
But I'm ranting.
Recently, the Central American tradition of using bad pop music to sell even worse politicians made news when a certain mom-and-pop corporation by the name of Sony Entertainment decided it didn't like Sandinista leader and odds-on favorite to win Nicaragua's presidential election Daniel Ortega's use of the 1961 hit "Stand by Me."
Now, I don't much like the song either. Or at least I don't now that I've heard three times a day for the past four months. But Sony's problem with it is a bit different than mine: it contends the Sandinistas' appropriation of the tune constitutes a "serious infringement" of the company's copyright over the half-century-old song. And that's a big no-no.
“We don’t allow our songs to be used by political campaigns,” Jimmy Asci, a spokesman for company, explained in an interview with Bloomberg Businessweek.
Of course, the actual song being used by Mr. Ortega is nothing like the one recorded by Ben E. King 50 years ago. The words are completely different; it doesn't even say "stand by me." It's in Spanish. And it's about Nicaragua. And peace and love, two themes that if adopted by any major candidate in the United States would get them laughed right off the stage of the prime-time CNN debate brought to you by Lockheed-Martin.
Check out the song yourself:
Intellectual property laws ostensibly exist to encourage artists to create art because, as we all know, the best musicians are those in it for the money. But that's not the issue here: the guy who recorded the original "Stand by Me" has made his cash. The issue is a major company's ability to make even more money off of another's work -- and to prevent that work from being used in ways its executive board doesn't deem acceptable, which would be called "censorship" if carried out by a state but is called plain old "capitalism" when it involves a state-chartered corporation reliant on the legal machinery of the state.
Judging by the country's complete and thoroughly admirable lack of respect for those intellectual property laws, however -- I've yet to see a "legitimate" CD or DVD in my 10 months here -- I'm guessing Nicaragua will triumph.
Thursday, September 15, 2011
Anarchy and Ometepe
“I think they're sexual deviants,” my traveling companion said, leaning over a fruit salad at breakfast.
The not unexpected comment came after a
night of alternately delightful and terrifying conversation with a
couple who, over the course of three liters of Toña
– Spanish for “Bud Light” – explained that they
were in Nicaragua to swab frogs (for science, not pleasure). And that
they had been more or less locked up in a ranger's station on the
side of Ometepe's Volcan Maderas for the past six months with next to
contact with anyone who spoke their language.
Which was Dutch. They spoke Dutch. They
were Dutch people.
Sexual
deviance, including a horrifically detailed discussion of what
perhaps happened to Eva Perón's missing
corpse? Explained. Left unresolved: whether the
tale of a traveling Frenchman they met who got high smoking Mexican
scorpion tails and decidedly poisonous secretions from the frogs they were
swabbing had any basis in truth. I like to think that it did.
You meet a lot of interesting people in
Nicaragua, from die-hard Sandinistas who fought as child soldiers
during the 1979 revolution against the U.S.-backed Somoza
dictatorship to the aforementioned couple from Holland in the country
to track down an apparently deadly, amphibian-based fungus. Oh, there
are boors too. In the beach town of San Juan del Sur, you'll have to
put up with the pressed-at-an-Abercrombie-factory bros and a few
nausea-inducing, not-a-word-of-Spanish-speaking in town only to pick
up a young Latin hunny, under-age if they can manage it. And in
Grenada, a city burnt down 150 years ago by an asshole American, you
can find his modern-day successors and the prostitutes and signs
saying “no dogs” – and don't give money to the homeless kids –
that they've brought with them.
Refreshingly, the Ugly Expat is not to
be found in tranquil Ometepe, the pot-smoking “ex-CIA” man I met
there last time the one possible exception. A tropical volcanic island located
an hour's ferry ride out in Nicaragua's Lake Cocibolca, Central
America's largest, Ometepe is lush year-round, with Quetzals and
Howler monkeys filling the vacuum left by the lack of loud bars and
nightclubs . The last time I was there, the active volcano that makes
up the more populous and developed northern half of the island,
Volcan Concepción,
almost – in a complete dick move -- killed me after by
tour-guide-who-wasn't forgot how to get back down from its
sulfur-spewing crater. Fun times!
My trip to the island this time around
didn't result in any near-death experiences, sad to say, but I did
get to leave the main port town to the see the rest of the place,
spending most of my time at the base of Volcan Maderas, the inactive
volcano that forms the much-less traveled southern half of the
island, where nice paved streets turn into Oregon Trail-style,
boulder-filled “roads” barely navigable by SUV. While I did spend
one day biking out to the Ojo de Agua, a man-made lagoon filled with
volcanic water that felt like swimming in a pool of Perrier, most of
my time was spent at a hostel on the grounds of Finca Magdalena, a
cooperative coffee farm that 28 local families expropriated from
their wealthy, absentee landlord during the early years of Sandinista
rule. A stately, century-old wooden house at the center of the estate, the hostel is surrounded by beautiful gardens full of butterflies of all colors and provides hammocks so you can lay around and watch them, which isn't a bad way to spend a day; if I were dying, I'm pretty sure I'd like to do it here. It's also the chief source of income for the coop these days, which might surprise you when beds go for just $3 a night.
Radical,
anarcho-syndicalist credentials? Bolstered.
Say
what you will about the Sandinistas today – I've met many a former
member disenchanted with the party's drift towards neoliberalism and
the personalty cult that's formed around its leader and Nicaraguan
President Daniel Ortega – the party did institute several
much-needed reforms upon taking power after the 1979 revolution,
chief among them the redistribution of the country's land, the
majority of which was in the hands of the ruling Somoza family and
its cronies. It's that revolutionary reform, taking land from wealthy
and politically-connected land owners and handing it to the poor
peasant farms from whom it was originally stolen, that seems to have
had the most visible lasting impact on the country today; it's also
the one that helped spur the Reagan administration to fund and arm a
right-wing insurgency that left 50,000 Nicaraguans dead over the
course of the 1980s. It's that reform that made Finca Magdalena and
thousands of other coops possible.
Land
redistribution was a major issue not just for the FSLN, but for the
man the party's named after: Augusto Sandino, an
anarcho-syndicalist rebel leader made infamous for refusing to
accept the legitimacy of the U.S. occupation of Nicaragua in the
1930s; he was ultimately martyred by the first in a 40-year line of
U.S.-backed dictators from the Somoza family, making him a tragic
hero not unlike Emiliano Zapata in Mexico – a man who died for his
principles rather than conveniently compromise them for political
power.
Even
the popular red-and-black
flag used by the FSLN today is none other than a slightly
modified version of the red-and-black
flag of anarcho-syndicalism that Sandino hoisted 80 years ago .
As one would expect of a ruling government party, however, the colors
have been stripped of their original meaning, no longer signifying
“syndicalism” (red) nor, obviously, “anarchism” (black), but
rather “blood” and “death.” And that makes sense: as a
political party defined not but its eradication of state power, but
by its capture of it, its leaders wouldn't want to be bound by any
actual principles and political concepts that might be seem at odds
with their penchant for centralized power; the more vapid, pliable
notion of “sacrifice” will do just fine, thank you.
Indeed,
the reasons for the co-option would soon become clear after the
Sandinistas took over. Rather than maintain strict fidelity to the
principles of the man whose name they adopted as their own and simply
hand over land to poor farmers, the FSLN chose to install a state
intermediary to administer the land. According to the operators of
Finca Magdalena, it wasn't until the early 1990s that their land was
legally recognized as an independent cooperative; before that, when
the land was held by the Sandinista government, “the
members' lives did not improve.”
With little
apparent help from the government outside of the original land
reform, which ultimately only removed the threat of state violence
should local farmers reclaim that which was rightfully theirs, the
Finca Magdalena coop has managed to raise the standard of living of
not just the families who run it, but the surrounding community.
Their livelihood, as far as I can tell, isn't dependent on the
benevolence of politicians or capitalists. While the country is
nominally socialist, there are next to no signs of government
involvement on the island to begin with; on the south side where the
coop is located, there's not even much in the way of infrastructure.
The
life is a simple life – and a largely self-sufficient one. There
aren't any flat-screen TVs. There's no Internet, outside of a few
cafés.
And there's not much if anything to do once the sun goes down. But
people seem happy. And why not? They live on some of the most fertile
land in Central America on an island made up of two beautiful
volcanoes. If you want some food, you grow it or catch it from the
lake. If you're bored you play baseball or go swimming. You watch a
sunset. Who the hell needs HBO?
Of course, there
are no doubt problems that I as a glib, know-it-all gringo backpacker
am not going to pick up on. But in contrast to some places I've lived
– North Philly comes to mind – the people here, though poor, seem
content with their place in life, none of the visible brutishness of
daily violence that characterizes a lot of major cities. Largely left
alone, with absolutely no police presence in the more rural
communities, meaning 95 percent of the island, the people of Ometepe
in a lot of ways show the possibilities of working together
collectively toward a common goal, rather than acting as the atomized
capitalistic competitors that a lot of conservatives and libertarians
appear to see as the only sane alternative to statism.
Whoa now, I hear
you say. Let's talk about the pot-smoking CIA guy, not all this
oh-glorious-syndicalism talk, crazy anarchist guy. And don't let
ideology blind you, silly: Have the people abolished the state? Has
capitalism been eradicated? Has a glorious workers paradise been
established? Have the means of producing reggaetone been seized and
destroyed for the good of the proletariat? Well, no, not exactly. But
anarchy isn't just a utopian end goal, dear reader. It's a mundane
reality.
Whenever people
work together cooperatively without the need for coercion, that's
anarchy in action. Twenty-eight families collectively working the
same farm for their mutual benefit? That, my friends, is anarchy; a
small window into a world where peoples lives are bases on consensus
and cooperation, no coercion. And it's why I think every decent
person ought to be anarchist. Hear me out: While we can argue and
bicker over how to get to anarchtopia, or how long it might take or
the details of who will deliver the mail and make sure the neighbor
kid stays off your lawn, why shouldn't every person's goal be a
society that minimizes the use of violence? Go ahead, say pure
anarchy is unworkable, incompatible with human nature – to which
I'd rejoin that governments with their mass murdering wars and
nuclear weapons seem to be incompatible with human kind – shouldn't
we at least strive to create a society that minimizes the use of
violence to the greatest extent possible?
Anarchism is not
about Molotov cocktails and car bombs, it's about cooperation; it's
about order built from the bottom up, rather than imposed from the
top down. And the people at the bottom have to want it for it to
succeed. An anarchist society, if it is ever to come about, won't be
the result of a mere political revolution like in Egypt or Libya,
where the institutions of power are maintained, just staffed with
different people. It will come from a social revolution -- from
creating a society of anarchists who reject the notion of coercive
power and the use of violence as a means of material and political
gain. It will come from people coming to see, like the families of
Finca Magadalena, the empowerment that comes from voluntary
collectivism and from learning to appreciate the wisdom of devolving
power from states and presidents to communities and individuals.
Already, most
people reject the use of violence not because the government tells
them that, say, murder is bad, but because they believe in their
hearts it is wrong. It's why the vast majority of people don't ever
kill anyone. It's how places like Ometepe, and most of the rest of
the world, frankly, exist in harmony without the need for a uniformed
officer with a handgun and a Taser on every corner.
The next step, and
it's an admittedly difficult one that won't happen overnight, is
convincing a critical mass of people that violence isn't just wrong
in their personal life, but in their political life too. Murder by
proxy – murder by politician – is just as evil as if you
personally bashed an Afghan child's head open with a rock. Don't
support and don't enable it. And that means rejecting the idea that
any person or institution can or should claim a monopoly on the
“legitimate” use of violence.
For a more
cooperative society to succeed, people will also have to develop
faith in themselves and in a world without leaders. And they'll need
to know that anarchism isn't an ideology for some far-off utopia, but
something they already take for granted in their own lives, whether
its working at a coop like the one in Ometepe, helping out at a soup kitchen or just not
killing that pesky neighbor kid when you know the police aren't
around.
Put it like that,
and I think you might be surprised how many anarchists there are –
and how many acts of anarchy you commit everyday.
In
the next installment, I get slightly less preachy and write about
watching a stray dog chew on a horse's leg in the center of León,
Nicaragua.

Wednesday, September 07, 2011
¡Con Fabio!
This is Fabio Gadea, a 79-year-old radio businessman campaigning against the incumbent Daniel Ortega to be the next president of Nicaragua:
Running on the ticket of a splinter conservative political party, Gadea's odds of winning are rather slim, especially in light of the FSLN's huge institutional advantage -- the country is decked out in the Sandinista's red and black flag (co-opted, interestingly enough, from the anarcho-syndicalists) -- and the fact a former president and fellow conservative is also running, splitting the opposition vote. Given this stark reality, how can a man nearly eight decades old appeal to voters in a country with one of the youngest populations in the Western Hemisphere?
With this, his official campaign song. It might sound familiar:
I've never been a fan of the Black Eyed Peas, but even I didn't believe they could cause so much harm -- not just to music, but to global politics.
Photo Credit: Tico Times
Running on the ticket of a splinter conservative political party, Gadea's odds of winning are rather slim, especially in light of the FSLN's huge institutional advantage -- the country is decked out in the Sandinista's red and black flag (co-opted, interestingly enough, from the anarcho-syndicalists) -- and the fact a former president and fellow conservative is also running, splitting the opposition vote. Given this stark reality, how can a man nearly eight decades old appeal to voters in a country with one of the youngest populations in the Western Hemisphere?
With this, his official campaign song. It might sound familiar:
I've never been a fan of the Black Eyed Peas, but even I didn't believe they could cause so much harm -- not just to music, but to global politics.
Photo Credit: Tico Times
Friday, June 24, 2011
US military occupies Nicaragua (again)
The last time U.S. forces were in San Juan del Sur it was 1984 and they were attacking the tourist town, the largest on Nicaragua's Pacific coast, and mining its harbor. This time around, their presence is a little more benign, with the USNS Comfort providing free medical care to the locals as part of its "Continuing Promise" tour of Latin America.
As far as branding efforts go, I'm glad the managers of the American empire chose to offer free surgeries instead of, say, bombarding my adopted home town with the full might of the U.S. military's liberating firepower. And assuming they aren't doing the sort of medical experiments they freely provided to hundreds of Guatemalans, I suppose I'm okay with all the uniformed U.S. military personnel at local bars and restaurants, even if that very sight was one of the reasons I left Washington, DC.
Based on the security presence in town, however, you wouldn't think U.S. forces were here on an uncontroversial humanitarian mission, that they were in a tranquil tourist town in a peaceful country as opposed to a hotbed of anti-Americanism in an active war zone. Walking by a restaurant the other day, I noticed a Nicaraguan soldier armed with an automatic weapon keeping guard outside the entrance. On the inside? Just some American soldiers enjoying steak and ribs.
I can't say who requested the security, though I imagine it's a safe bet the Americans did, but its presence raises a key point: one would have to be extremely paranoid or suffering a serious P.R. problem -- or both -- if you fear people may try to shoot or blow you up as you provide free medical care to poor people. Free surgeries are great and all, but they don't wash away the memories of (counter-)insurgencies, past and present.
(Photo Credit: Mass Comm. Spc. Kim Williams/U.S. Navy)
As far as branding efforts go, I'm glad the managers of the American empire chose to offer free surgeries instead of, say, bombarding my adopted home town with the full might of the U.S. military's liberating firepower. And assuming they aren't doing the sort of medical experiments they freely provided to hundreds of Guatemalans, I suppose I'm okay with all the uniformed U.S. military personnel at local bars and restaurants, even if that very sight was one of the reasons I left Washington, DC.
Based on the security presence in town, however, you wouldn't think U.S. forces were here on an uncontroversial humanitarian mission, that they were in a tranquil tourist town in a peaceful country as opposed to a hotbed of anti-Americanism in an active war zone. Walking by a restaurant the other day, I noticed a Nicaraguan soldier armed with an automatic weapon keeping guard outside the entrance. On the inside? Just some American soldiers enjoying steak and ribs.
I can't say who requested the security, though I imagine it's a safe bet the Americans did, but its presence raises a key point: one would have to be extremely paranoid or suffering a serious P.R. problem -- or both -- if you fear people may try to shoot or blow you up as you provide free medical care to poor people. Free surgeries are great and all, but they don't wash away the memories of (counter-)insurgencies, past and present.
(Photo Credit: Mass Comm. Spc. Kim Williams/U.S. Navy)
Sunday, March 27, 2011
I don't know where I'm a gonna go
On the one hand, he offered to hook me up with some weed. On the other – through a combination of simple inexperience and what can only be termed sheer, unmitigated dumbfuckery – he almost got me killed, at least two dozen times, on the side of an active volcano.
No hard feelings, though. I suppose that's what you get for being that one-in-a-hundred tourist (i.e., jackass) who insists – demands – to be taken not just to the viewing area three-quarters the way up Volcan Concepcion like all the other good little sightseers, but to the motherfucking top. Like, looking-into-the-crater-and-inhaling-a-year's-worth-of-sulfur top.
After all, I paid 20 American dollars, damn it.
Usually when I visit a place or move somewhere new, I wait a few days, maybe even a few weeks, before doing something deathly stupid. I'm old fashion: I need to settle down in to a place before I can feel comfortable risking the lives of myself and those around me.
Not in Ometepe.
After spending a wonderfully lazy two months on Nicaragua's Pacific coast living in the beach town of San Juan del Sur – if you ever visit, I'm the white guy who doesn't have dreads – I took the occasion of a friend visiting from the states to visit Ometepe, a volcanic island situated in the freshwater lake that dominates Nicaragua's geography. Consisting of two volcanoes, Concepcion and Maderas – the former still active – Ometepe is beautifully green even during the height of the dry season, with Capuchin monkeys as common as stray dogs.
If San Juan del Sur is a place where time slows down, then Ometepe is where it stops altogether – or goes to die, with the pace of life what Nicas would call “muy tranquilo,” or “slow as fuck” (not an exact translation). A typical day here is hanging with your family by the beach, swimming and catching fish that is then cooked into a soup renowned for its supposed ability to cure all that it ails you.
In recent years, tourism has picked up on the island, with the main town of Moyogolpa lined with hostels, bike rentals and pizza places. And why not? It's gorgeous. It's got monkeys and volcanoes. And, perhaps most importantly, beer is cheaper than water, though it tastes roughly the same.
With the pickup in the tourism industry, many locals have taken up jobs as guides, taking tourists, an unusual number from Germany and Canada, up the sides of its twin volcanoes.
Jesse, a rotund, jovial 29-year-old, was to be my guide. At an all-too early 6:30 in the morning, he and Miguel -- introduced as his "friend," which I later learned meant he wasn't an actual, knows what he's doing guide -- arrived at my hostel ready to kick some volcanic ass.
I had no idea what I was setting out to do. Nor could I have predicted that, over the next eight ours, Miguel would repeatedly – perhaps unknowingly, perhaps not – try to kill me.
I blame my friend. Just 40 minutes into what was to be an all-day hike, said friend called it quits, wheezing and heaving with a look of death upon his face. Unable to walk any further, he turned back with Jesse – the dude who knew what he was doing – presumably to find a nice cool, comforting place to die. As it turns out, his recovery was quick: despite not speaking a word of Spanish beyond “cerveza,” the asthmatic friend spent the rest of the day with Jesse the Guide biking, swimming and, so I hear, smoking copious amounts of Guatemalan ganja.
I, by contrast, spent the day battling to maintain my will to live. Dick.
At first hiking with Miguel was fine. Chill. Tranquilo. About 90 minutes after ditching mi amigo muerto, we reached a clearing – just beneath the clouds that envelop the top of the volcano – where you could enjoy a brisk breeze and a stunning view of the island and mainland Nicaragua. Next to us was a group of college-age German students talking German and whatever else it is German people do. This, I was later informed, is where 99 percent of people stop and turn around.
Not I. “Arriba,” I said, a look of disdain on my face for the mere mortals around me who would go through life never knowing what it is like to almost die on a volcano. “Arriba.”
A half hour later I found myself climbing – not hiking – up the side of what felt like a foreign planet (a feeling exacerbated by my having watched too much Star Trek growing up), the crumbling, volcanic rocks disturbingly hot to the touch, all signs of life long since vanished. It was both fascinating and unsettling.
And then it started raining.
But hey, I can roll with the punches, thought your idiot narrator. And at least I'm with someone who knows where they're going. Right?
Another hour of climbing volcanic rock that tumbled down, nearly taking you with it, whenever touched, and we reached the crater – or rather, we got 10 feet below it. That's when my guide sat down, refusing to walk further and simply pointing to where I -- if I were so stupid -- could go to look over and into the sulfur-spewing lake of death. If I wanted (hint: don't do it). Why, I inquired? “Tengo miedo,” he replied. “Tengo miedo.” (I'm scared.)
Great.
After glancing into the sulfuric, cloudy abyss for about all of five seconds, a bit freaked out by my suddenly not so macho guide's fear – totally worth it! – we began the descent into my own personal hell.
Before the hike, I had heard going up to the crater was dangerous, “peligroso,” and that I really shouldn't do it. But then, I heard that from my guide, so I assumed he just didn't want to go all the way to the top, preferring to stop where those German tourists did so they could make it back home in time for American Idol. And while I may be stupid -- painfully so -- I ain't no sucker.
Or so I thought. As I discovered, if it's “dangerous” to climb up to the very top of Volcan Concepcion with nothing more than running shoes in the way of gear it's plain stupid -- like really, really you-fucked-up stupid -- to climb back down.
Thanks to the zig-zagging pattern we took going up and my guide-who-wasn't-really's unfamiliarity with the volcano, we spent the next four hours falling on our asses (by my count, at least 100 times between us) while engaged in the sort of death-defying jackassery that, though it didn't kill us, frankly should have prevented us from ever passing on our genes.
When I found myself overlooking a huge 100 foot drop in front of me, a 150 foot fall into a lava-formed river to the left of me and another 50 foot drop to right is probably when I first thought I might actually, for-real die. Though my guide coached me out of that position (I ended up having to retrace my steps and climb – and I mean rock-climbing wall climb – another 200 feet back up), I could only think, “Jesus, aren't you supposed to have equipment to do this shit?”
And then I saw one of the hooks drilled into the stone next to me that, you know, rock climbers use to tie their rock-climbing ropes to.
Shit.
By the time, after 90 minutes of descent, we found ourselves on the wrong, barren side of the volcano – just 20 sloping feet away from a huge drop to Ometepe below – I had gone through about two dozen such near-death experiences. And not oh shit, I'm-asking-my-crush-to-homecoming scary, but like in a this-ain't-Disney-World-this-is-real-fucking-life, is-it-socially-acceptable-to-cry scary. The only comforting thought I had was that if I did in fact die on this rock, it would be an undeniably bad-ass way to go.
“So did you hear what happened to Charles?”
“Nah, what?”
“He got his ass killed climbing a volcano in Mexico or some shit. And get this: they never found the body.”
“Fuckin' gnarly, dude. Man, I hope I die on a volcano. Like, while I'm doing it. With a chick.”
“You and me both, bro'."
*Spoiler Alert*: I didn't die. After several more hours of going up and down the side of the volcano (who was a total asshole, by the way), my guide – when not trying to inconspicuously whistle for help – repeatedly declaring “estamos cerca... estamos cerca," which, invariably, meant we were lost again.
I found that comforting.
Finally in something resembling safety, my guide and I became more relaxed, only partly due to our mutual dehydration. After a brief discussion of acclaimed musical artists Cypress Hill, he pulled out the bag of weed that, I regret saying, I now believe may have been a contributing factor, if not the cause, of our four hours of wandering lostness. This brief respite was fatally tarnished, however, by the final, gut-punching insult of the day: he didn't have any papers.
What if I just made it look like the coconuts attacked him, I wondered. The perfect crime.
After annoyingly remembering my commitment to non-violence -- god damn principles -- I decided to spare Miguel. Not before winking at a coconut, though.
While I can joke about it now, for a time I honestly thought there was a better than 50/50 chance I would die on that volcano -- which, as I mentioned, would be pretty fucking bad ass. For several hours, I was left to ponder how I might fashion a message to my girlfriend that I love her -- and gosh, it would be awful nice if you'd delete the porn off my computer.
At least I learned a few lessons for the next time I get an asshole idea like "hey, let's climb a volcano" -- like, before you leave, make sure your guide is competent. And most importantly: bring papers.
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